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Irish. Question, No. 14.] 






[Extract from the "Irish World and American Industrial Advocate," 

April 17, 1886.] 

"If I were working for the dismemberment of the British 
Empire I could not desire anything better than Mr. Gladstone's 
BilL It contrives to take away from Irishmen every induce- 
ment tb wish that Empire well, and lays the financial founda- 
tions for endless and embittered international controversies. 
There is such a thing in this country as State patriotism and 
Union patriotism. Under a federal arrangement Irishmen might „ 
if well treated, carry in their hearts this duplex sentiment — 
national patriotism, of course, being the stronger. But if they 
are expelled, as the Bill proposes, from Westminster and from 
all participation in the government of the Empire, they cer- 
tainly can take no interest in its integrity or prosperity. 

" The more one reflects on the question, the plainer it becomes 
that there is no other alternative than total separation and 
federation. The former is our maximum, and the latter our 
minimum demand. The only satisfactory federation would be 
such as gives to Ireland complete control of her local affairs, and 
allows her to exist as a democratic Eepublic in partnership with 
monarchical England. Under such an arrangement Norway 
and Sweden exist. And there is no insuperable obstacle to 
federation as the only method of maintaining Irish freedom and 
Imperial unity.'' 

V~V9i "V 

( 2 ) 


[Extract from, the' " Irish World," April 17,1886.] 

"We have written severe things of Gladstone, but nothing that 
we have ever written of him do we now take back, although, of 
course, we should and would take it back did conscience tell 
as it did him injustice; but conscience makes no such demand 
upon us. 

"Gladstone has been one of the most ruthless tyrants that 
-ever afflicted Ireland. Like Cromwell, however, he is a pharisee, 
not a hypocrite. A hypocrite is a person who knows himself to 
be a knave ; a pharisee is one who believes himself to be a truly 
good man. Gladstone has immense faith in himself. His 
political life is full of flagrant contradictions ; but as if uncon- 
scious of his inconsistencies, he never apologises for having 
abandoned a former position, but moves right on to new ground 
with, the seeming innocence of a boy. 

"The Bill, little as we prize it, may be defeated ; even should it 
pass, it -cannot, on its merits, bring Ireland that prosperity and 
contentment that we would desire for her. 

"It is not :respectable, we know, to say anything in favour of 
dynamite,; but we had rather feel like an honest man than to be 
thought to be respectable ; but dynamite itself can lift its head 
-and look the respectabilities in the face, when their Grand Old 
Man, whose spittle they deem it an honour to lick, makes the 
avowal that the influence which induces -England to make con- 
cessions to Ireland is ' an influence akin to fear/ At the same 
time we do not love disorder ; we do not love violence for its own 
sake; .we sincerely wish that Gladstone could honestly say, and 
that we could honestly .believe that England, in making con- 
cession to Ireland, was influenced not by fear, but by justice ; but 
history and common sense tell us otherwise, and, therefore, we 
say, if the present peaceful effort fail after a fall, fair, and honest 
trial, the Irish people will be entirely justified to resort to other 
methods to redeem their country." 


[Extract from the " Irish World " of May 8, 1886.] 

"It would not even be a free colony like Canada or Queens 
land, but would be a colony in leading-strings, a Crown colony 
like Jamaica in everything but name. The self-governing 
colonies do not contribute to the Imperial Exchequer ; but 
Ireland is to be a tribute-paying Jamaica, and a Beceiver- 
General is to be appointed to grab all the taxes in the interest 
of foreign bondholders, as the English .Eeceiver-General in 
Cairo grabs the Egyptian revenues. The fact is that every 
arrangement short of separation must leave Ireland in the posi- 
tion of a province. Eor eighty * five years they have been trying 
to make her a province* of iEngland, and have failed. But Home 
Bulean any shape will leave her a province of the Empire. If 
the Lord-Lieutenant is an essential feature of it, the whole >Bill 
should be rejected. There cannot be any Irish independence, 
any real autonomy, any restored nationhood, with a foreign 
master. We trust that the Irish -representatives, every man of 
them, will announce boldly, solemnly, and distinctly that unless 
the despotic Lord-Lieutenancy be abolished they will not sup- 
port the Bill. They must either do this by their votes, or place 
Irish liberty and independence beneath an alien despot's heel." 


[Extract from the "Irish World. 3 ''] 

" We are at war, and the belligerent code of our own making, 
which we lay down, is that x we shall set fire to London in 500 
places at once ; that we shall burn and blow up people in the 
street at random ; that we shall kill by bombs and fire and knife, 
and care nothing as to whom or how many we kill, so long 
as they are found within the four corners of England. We 

have no grievance— we advance no reasons. We 
simply say we want a certain thing, and we shall 
have it because we think fit. Else indiscriminate 

Perhaps readers of these extracts will say that the opinion of 
the Irish World matters very little, and that the sentiments here 

( 4 ) 

expressed are only " tall talk '' with which the Parnellite party 
has no sympathy, and which would not weigh in the least with 
the Leaders of an Irish Parliament. Unfortunately, we cannot 
take this view if we look into the facts. They show beyond 
doubt that the Irish World is truly representative of the 
Nationalist sentiment and policy, and has been openly acknow- 
ledged by Mr. Parnell and his followers. Let the facts speak 
for themselves. 



Mr. Parnell was openly challenged in the House of Commons 
with his connection with the Irish World, which was declared 
to be the official organ of the Land League. Mr. Parnell denied 
that it was his " official organ. v — " Unofficial, then ? " was the- 
reply. — " Yes," said the Nationalist leader. 

The Irish World is under the special patronage of Mr. Parnell 
himself. See his " special cable to the editor of the Irish 
Worlds from which the following is taken : — 

" Thanks to the Irish World and its readers for their constant 
co-operation and substantial support in our great cause. Lefc 
them have no fear for its ultimate success. 

11 (Signed) Chakles Btewabt Pabnell. 

January 26, 1881. " 


Remember that the greater part of the money received and 
spent by Mr. Parnell was collected by the Irish World. Remember 
that the Irish World has repeatedly and openly called for, and 
rejoiced in, outrage and murder. 

What shall be said of a Leader and of a Party that are content 
to be in the pay of the Irish World ? 

Published by the Liberal Committee for the Maintenance of the 

Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland, 

35, Spring Gardens, S.W.